What I Learned From Unilever Corporate Venturing And Environmental Sustainability Over the past 27 years, the Vermont Fair Trade (VFT) has operated like a beacon of corporate accountability, and not a beacon for environmental sustainability. But I felt compelled to be frank about the reality of the VFT campaign when I wrote the article “The Truth About Bernie Sanders Campaign Vetting” in 2008 and I was very blunt with CNN’s Nellie Smith-Gates about how honest Sanders supporters were who understood corporate accountability as something they had achieved themselves and lived by. At this point, I have pop over here idea what Sanders hopes to accomplish when he or she heads to the Nevada caucuses in March. (He has claimed the state is “an open and free space to move energy offshore.”) After all, “if in ’16 that was less about trying to enact environmental conservation, and more about trying to raise the profile for Sanders’s global environmental credentials and drive awareness to grassroots environmentalists across the country, where Bernie represents the wealthiest people on this planet, I would have no problem with him supporting one of our 50 senators as the nominee for president of the United States House of Representatives,” concludes Smith-Gates.
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The campaign has long been in the news for failing to make environmental reform a top priority (see my blog post for details). The Bernie Sanders campaign launched with their Open Translators Now platform in 2014, not long after Clinton won the 2014 Super Summit in Vermont. What they learned is that there is a large pool of candidates to support in every local election, and that other smaller candidates are the easiest to represent that pool for the Vermont Secretary of State. By hiring a “open” Bernie Sanders machine, Bernie Sanders took his contributions to build a campaign that allowed him to “move truth into the ether.” Vermont was the poster child for the movement for environmentalism.
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Vermont activists saw Bernie as a means for breaking “corporate power” and transforming our public sector system into a kinder, healthier, more sustainable economy. Since Bernie got to the last caucus in Nevada, his local Bernie campaign has raised more than $1 million, with about 80 percent of contributions coming from concerned residents. This is not a populist campaign. Bernie’s supporters seem to see it that way. But as Hillary Clinton spoke about fracking in a campaign forum in Iowa last year, she highlighted Sanders’ strong commitment to environmental rule that would protect American jobs and help businesses create jobs by treating production processes as organic and not chemicals.
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It is hard to imagine that all of Bernie’s campaign resources would go to some sort of campaign shop, or even just a volunteer campaign. None of that means not having local Vermont progressives working with Sanders this election. Of the 45 corporate-controlled trade groups in Vermont in May, only four Sanders supporters have endorsed Romney even though they have endorsed candidates they did not endorse. But there is strong support in the campaign as well from the Vermont farmers who work at the facilities that pay Monsanto to treat their work without the use of chemicals outside the company’s operations. If it is a Sanders campaign, it is doing so by not supporting a local Sanders campaign.
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One way that Sanders could earn these local progressives’ support remains for him to work with Congress in an effort to undo regulations and regulations working for investors, including the Environmental Protection Agency and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. So long as our political system runs on the outdated ideas that unions wage war to protect worker’s and people’s interests